Niger Delta activist Asari Dokubo has alleged that the Olu of Warri and other individuals benefit from pipeline surveillance arrangements worth about ₦2.7 trillion annually.
Dokubo made the claim in a video circulating online while defending former Niger Delta militant leader Government Ekpemupolo, popularly known as Tompolo, over criticism surrounding pipeline surveillance contracts.
However, the ₦2.7 trillion figure has not been independently established, and Dokubo did not publicly present a contract, payment record or other documentary evidence alongside the allegation.
The claim has since triggered a response from the palace of the Olu of Warri, Ogiame Atuwatse III, which categorically rejected the allegation and challenged Dokubo to provide evidence.
Dokubo Questions Why Tompolo Is Being Criticised
In the video, Dokubo questioned why Tompolo had faced scrutiny over his involvement in pipeline surveillance while, according to him, other beneficiaries allegedly received substantially larger sums.
“So, because I am fighting for freedom, the Olu of Warri can do a contract and have money, but Tompolo cannot do the contract and have his own money,” Dokubo said.
He then alleged that the Olu of Warri and an individual he identified as “Osahon, son of Captain Osa” were receiving ₦2.7 trillion annually for pipeline protection.
“You are talking about Tompolo. What of the Olu of Warri and Osahon, son of Captain Osa, who are collecting N2.7 trillion annually for guarding pipelines?” he asked.
Dokubo also said he was not a beneficiary of the contract.
His comments came amid renewed public debate over the role of private companies and local actors in protecting Nigeria’s oil infrastructure.
Olu of Warri Rejects ₦2.7tn Allegation
The Olu of Warri has rejected Dokubo’s claim.
In a statement issued through Prince Collins Oritsetimeyin Edema, the monarch’s sole representative to NNPC Limited and its joint-venture partners, the palace described the allegation as extraordinary and demanded documentary proof.
“For the avoidance of doubt, the allegation that the Olu of Warri receives N2.7 trillion annually from pipeline surveillance contracts is categorically rejected,” the statement said.
The representative subsequently challenged Dokubo to produce the documents on which the allegation was based.
The response places the burden of substantiating the ₦2.7 trillion figure firmly on the person who made the allegation.
As of October 7, no publicly available documentary evidence establishing that the Olu of Warri personally receives ₦2.7 trillion annually from pipeline surveillance has been identified.
Who Is the “Osahon” Mentioned by Dokubo?
Dokubo referred to the second alleged beneficiary as “Osahon, son of Captain Osa.”
Several reports have identified the person as Osahon Okunbo, a son of the late businessman Captain Hosa Wells Okunbo and an executive associated with Pipeline Infrastructure Nigeria Limited (PINL).
PINL describes itself as a Nigerian oil and gas services company involved in engineering, procurement, construction, maintenance and security services, including pipeline security and aerial surveillance.
However, the relationship between the Olu of Warri and PINL has previously been disputed.
In 2022, representatives of the monarch denied reports that the Olu owned PINL or was a registered director or shareholder of the company.
That history makes it important to distinguish between an allegation concerning a company and an established personal financial benefit to the monarch.
What Is Known About Tompolo’s Pipeline Contract?
The controversy is partly rooted in the Federal Government’s decision to engage private companies and community-linked actors in pipeline surveillance.
In 2022, NNPC Limited awarded a pipeline surveillance contract valued at about ₦48 billion annually to Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited, a company associated with Tompolo.
The arrangement was widely reported as a ₦4 billion monthly contract covering several oil-producing areas.
The Senate subsequently backed the contract after examining the arrangement and its reported impact on oil theft and pipeline security.
The use of private actors in pipeline surveillance has remained controversial.
Supporters have pointed to local knowledge and reported improvements in detecting illegal connections, while critics have raised questions about procurement, cost, accountability and the role of non-state actors in protecting critical national infrastructure.
Why the ₦2.7tn Figure Is Under Scrutiny
The scale of Dokubo’s allegation is one reason it has attracted significant attention.
The claimed ₦2.7 trillion annual amount is dramatically higher than the widely reported ₦48 billion annual value of Tompolo’s 2022 pipeline surveillance arrangement.
However, the two figures cannot automatically be compared as equivalent contracts.
The geographical coverage, number of contractors, subcontracting arrangements, scope of work and payment structures may differ.
More importantly, there is currently no publicly established evidence showing that the Olu of Warri personally receives ₦2.7 trillion from the Federal Government.
The Guardian reported that Dokubo initially referred to the figure as a monthly payment before subsequently describing it as annual, adding another layer of uncertainty around the claim.
Earlier Disputes Over Pipeline Surveillance Contracts
Pipeline surveillance has generated disputes in the Niger Delta for years.
Following the award of the 2022 contract to Tantita, other stakeholders questioned why the arrangement was concentrated among particular companies and individuals.
Reports at the time also identified Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited, Maton Engineering Nigeria Limited and Pipeline Infrastructure Nigeria Limited among companies involved in pipeline surveillance arrangements.
The Olu of Warri’s representatives have previously defended the role of companies involved in pipeline surveillance while rejecting claims linking the monarch personally to ownership of PINL.
In 2024, Itsekiri stakeholders also defended the pipeline surveillance operations involving PINL and other companies, arguing that community-based surveillance had played a role in protecting oil infrastructure.
Dokubo Also Raises Wider Questions About Niger Delta Contracts
Beyond the ₦2.7 trillion allegation, Dokubo questioned the broader distribution of government-funded contracts in the Niger Delta.
He argued that contracts connected to oil-producing communities should generate economic benefits for people in the region.
He also criticised the involvement of companies and individuals from outside the region in contracts connected to Niger Delta resources.
During his remarks, Dokubo referenced other prominent businessmen and claimed to have seen a vessel bearing the initials “OUK”, which he associated with former Abia State Governor Orji Uzor Kalu.
That separate claim has also not been independently established from the material reviewed.
The Bigger Question: How Much Does Nigeria Spend on Pipeline Surveillance?
The latest dispute has revived a broader question about the cost and structure of Nigeria’s pipeline protection arrangements.
Oil pipelines remain critical to Nigeria’s economy because disruptions can affect crude production, government revenue, exports and foreign exchange earnings.
The Federal Government has therefore continued to use security agencies alongside private and community-linked arrangements to address oil theft and pipeline vandalism.
But the controversy highlights the need for clear information about the contracts.
That includes the companies involved, geographical coverage, contract values, payment schedules, performance requirements and the ultimate beneficiaries.
Such information would allow Nigerians to distinguish verified government expenditure from allegations circulating in public debate.
What Happens Next?
The Olu of Warri’s demand for evidence could shift the controversy from political exchanges to documentation.
If Dokubo produces contracts, payment records or other verifiable documents supporting the ₦2.7 trillion claim, the allegation could receive further scrutiny from relevant institutions.
If such evidence is not produced, the claim remains an unverified allegation.
For now, the available public information establishes that Dokubo made the claim and that the Olu of Warri has rejected it.
It does not establish that the monarch personally received ₦2.7 trillion from the Federal Government.
The dispute therefore remains centred on a question that can ultimately be answered through documentary evidence: how much does Nigeria actually pay each pipeline surveillance contractor, and who legally receives those payments?
